In Europe, the household names when it comes to mainstream left-wing parties are the French Socialist Party, the German SPD, or the British Labour Party. But little is known or spoken about the PSOE, the Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party.
Not by accident. A coup-plotting and anti-Spanish party from its very beginnings, it was one of the main actors in the failed—and often forgotten—insurrection against the democratically elected right-wing government in 1934. Banned under the Franco regime, it was re-established in 1977, still a Marxist party at the time. The PSOE formed several governments since General Franco’s death, embracing progressivism. But the current government may prove to be the most embattled of all: hardly a day goes by without a new scandal involving the Spanish socialists. The alleged corruption is believed to reach all layers of the state.
Europeanconservative.com sat down with Javier María Pérez-Roldán, lawyer of the association Hazte Oír, one of the initiators of private prosecutions in the most significant corruption cases engulfing the Spanish Socialists.
Until recently, Santos Cerdán, placed under pre-trial detention last Monday, was the number three leader in the PSOE. What role has Hazte Oír played in this case?
We requested the indictment of Cerdán as early as November 2024. This case stems from the so-called ‘Koldo plot (involving illegally acquired face masks contracts at the height of the COVID-19 pandemic in the value of close to 54 million euros),’ which was being handled by Spain’s Central Court of Instruction No. 2. As soon as we saw that José Luis Ábalos, then PSOE’s Secretary of Organization, was implicated, it became clear that his successor, Santos Cerdán, was part of the same structure. The PSOE did not change course; they appointed someone to continue Ábalos’ work. We then learned that Cerdán was not just continuing Ábalos’s ‘work’—he was Ábalos’ political supervisor. And above Cerdán, inevitably, stands Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez.
From the outside, it seems difficult to believe that Sánchez knew nothing…
That is just implausible. We are talking about the last two Secretaries of Organization —the third-highest position in the party— both involved in the same network. And when Cerdán’s involvement was already being discussed publicly, Sánchez confirmed him in the position. What’s more, both he and the party deleted social media messages pushed out earlier in support of Cerdán. Can a prime minister be unaware that his two closest men within the party apparatus are involved in corruption? Impossible.
Can we speak, then, of systemic corruption?
Absolutely. These are not isolated cases. There is structural continuity, a network built from within the party itself. Sánchez is no bystander; he is the political head of the operation. That’s why we are convinced that his personal responsibility will be exposed sooner rather than later.
Hazte Oír is also involved in other cases linked to the president’s inner circle.
We are leading the prosecution in two key cases: that of Begoña Gómez, Sánchez’s wife, and the macro-case on hydrocarbons. Due to its economic scale and seriousness, the latter may be the most explosive. It involves a multimillion-euro VAT fraud scheme, with opaque operations linked to oil imports, even from countries sanctioned by the European Union. This is a matter of the highest magnitude.
What role does Europe play in all this?
For now, Europe looks the other way. Because the PSOE is the largest socialist group in the European Parliament, and those votes are worth gold when it comes to maintaining certain political balances. That’s why they remain silent. However, the time will come when the scale of the scandal will be unsustainable, especially if the misuse or diversion of EU funds is proven.
Can the European Court of Justice intervene?
Yes, in the case of the Amnesty Law, Spain’s Supreme Court could raise a preliminary ruling to the ECJ. A part of the amnesty touches on European interests: public funds were used for the illegal referendum of October 1st in Catalonia. The same applies to corruption cases involving EU money. Brussels will have to respond.
What is Hazte Oír’s stance on the Amnesty Law and the so-called Bolaños Law for judicial appointments?
The Bolaños Law is a disguised self-amnesty for PSOE officials indicted for corruption. It’s a de facto ‘final stop’ law designed to shield the party. Moreover, it represents direct interference by the executive in the work of the judiciary. The separation of powers has been violated. What’s outrageous isn’t just what they’re doing —it’s how brazenly they’re doing it.
Do you see parallels with other countries sanctioned by the EU?
Absolutely. Poland and Hungary were sanctioned for judicial reforms that were far less aggressive than this. But in Spain, a law that openly aims to protect those indicted for corruption goes unpunished. Why? Because Europe also runs on partisan interests. As long as the PSOE is useful, they’ll defend it.
Can we conclude, then, that PSOE corruption is no longer just a judicial matter, but a regime problem?
It is a regime problem. The PSOE has turned institutions into its shield. It has colonized the judiciary, contaminated the public prosecutor’s office, and now seeks to legalize its impunity. The most alarming fact is that it enjoys the complicity—active or passive—of much of the system: the media, other political parties, and even the EU. That’s why we are where we are.
